No one travels like Kim Jong Un

No one travels like Kim Jong Un ... literally 

 Erin Burnett Out Front 

Kim Jong Un's bodyguards stay on their feet as the North Korean leader travels to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. CNN's Jeanne Moos peeks under the red carpet.

Опять ничего не будет. Точно - ничего и нет.

Ничего не изменится после обстрела "Томагавками" авиабазы Асада. Всё это - дешёвка. 
Театральщина.
Эскалации не будет. Существенной интервенции США в Сирии тоже не будет. Военное присутствие РФ в Сирии останется.
ДНР и ЛНР тоже останутся, Крым у "них" - тоже. 
Чтобы он вообще пропал этот Крым, провалился куда-нибудь, исчез с карты мира. Ненужная вещь как и эта сирийская Пальмира. Все равно там никогда не бывать. Как не бывать во Французской Полинезии, где прохлаждается Обама.
Опять будет ругань в Совбезе ООН, ругань по рашкинскому госТВ, ругань по западному ТВ. Будут неоправданный оптимизм и пустое злорадство, точнее - грёзы всяких местных оранжевых, этих мерзких рашкинских свиней, и всяких гадких хохлов на Украине.
Ничего не будет. Опять Путин, Шойгу, Матвиенко, Собянин, Полтавченко, "Единая Россия", Навальный, Ходорковский, Касьянов, белоленточное жульё. 
Скушно. Очень скушно...


P.S. Так и есть. Даже и ругани особой нет. Как надоели эти дешёвки, эти фейковые персонажи с их фейковыми новостями.

The web of relationships between Team Trump and Russia

By Philip Bump


In the most abstract sense, there is nothing noteworthy about a government official meeting with an ambassador from a foreign country.
When such an interaction becomes important is when that official is an ally of a presidential campaign that’s got a complex set of possibly inappropriate relationships with other representatives of that ambassador’s country — and when that official while under oath says he did not have communications with representatives of that country.
What we’re going to endeavor to do here is to parse out that complex set of relationships, using the information we have at hand. In this case, as you’ve hopefully ascertained, the country at issue is Russia and the campaign is that of President Trump. The official, of course, is Attorney General Jeff Sessions. And the ambassador is, at this point, the linchpin of a lot of the interactions between Trump and the rest of his team.
We’ll consider three Russian entities.
    Ambassador Sergey Kislyak. Russia’s man in Washington.
    The Russian government. Kislyak is part of this government, of course, but we’ll use this as a shorthand for interactions with President Vladimir Putin or other government agencies (who may or may not be known). Included here is RT, the Russia-backed and -based television network.
    Russian business interests. This encompasses everything from Rosneft, the Russian oil giant, to sketchy Russian oligarchs.
As for the American side, let’s start at the top and move outward through Trump’s network.
Donald Trump, president. Trump’s connections to Russian business interests are murky, thanks to his decision not to release his tax returns during the campaign. We know that the Miss Universe pageant was hosted in Moscow when Trump owned it and that he earned millions of dollars for doing so. We know, too, that he’s repeatedly explored real estate deals in the country. It’s not clear whether Trump has met Kislyak, though the ambassador attended a foreign policy speech Trump gave last spring and the reception that preceded it. We know now that Trump has been in communication with Putin — but he also claimed to have been in contact with representatives of the Russian president (and Putin himself) before the campaign.
Jeff Sessions, attorney general. Sessions’s relationship with Kislyak is well-established by now. This is a good point at which to note, though, that the existence of that relationship does not in any way imply wrongdoing by Sessions. It’s just part of the network we’re establishing.
Attorney General Jeff Sessions told reporters at the Justice Department, March 2, that he was recusing himself from any investigation having to do with President Trump's 2016 campaign. Here are key moments from that news conference.
Jared Kushner, adviser. Trump’s son-in-law (Ivanka’s husband) also met with Kislyak during the period between Election Day and the inauguration, according to the New York Times. Kushner also has some loose connections to Russian business interests, according to the Times, including an investment from tech investor Yuri Milner in a real estate investment company and a friendship with the wife of oligarch Roman Abramovich. (She was invited to the inauguration as Ivanka Trump’s guest.)
Michael Flynn, former national security adviser. Flynn had a number of contacts with Kislyak after Election Day, including attending that meeting between the ambassador and Kushner. (Flynn was forced to resign his position after it was revealed that his comments about the content of those meetings to Vice President Pence were falsehoods.) After resigning from the Defense Intelligence Agency in 2014, Flynn was invited to give a paid speech at a celbration of RT. He did so and joined Putin’s table for a related banquet.
Donald Trump Jr., son. The younger Trump visited France last October to speak to an obscure Russian group. In 2008, Don Jr., who works for the Trump Organization, famously told a real estate conference that “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets” and that “we see a lot of money pouring in from Russia.”
Paul Manafort, former campaign manager. Manafort’s links to Russian interests are well established. New revelations that emerged during the campaign prompted Trump to demand Manafort’s resignation. Manafort is one of the Trump campaign staffers who reportedly made contact with Russian interests during the campaign.
Rex Tillerson, secretary of state. Before he was confirmed to serve as the head of the State Department, even Republicans questioned Tillerson’s relationship to Putin. As the head of ExxonMobil, Tillerson helped negotiate a massive agreement between the Russian government and ExxonMobil-Rosneft, a partnership between the two companies. Tillerson was subsequently awarded the “Order of Friendship” by Putin.

Due to Donald Trump the fascist-communist regime in Russia and Putin's power will be strengthened and will become much more cruel

Donald Trump’s Victory Promises to Upend the International Order


By Peter Baker 

American white working people are the main supporters of Donald Trump and Putin's KGB fascist-communist Russia. The working class of Karl Marx is the main base and cause of all totalitarian fascist and communist regimes. 

American white women did much for Trump and Putin also. White women overall voted for Donald Trump by a decisive margin, and white women without college degrees broke even more heavily for the Republican nominee, according to exit polls.



Donald J. Trump’s stunning election victory on Tuesday night rippled way beyond the nation’s boundaries, upending an international order that prevailed for decades and raising profound questions about America’s place in the world.
For the first time since before World War II, Americans chose a president who promised to reverse the internationalism practiced by predecessors of both parties and to build walls both physical and metaphorical. Mr. Trump’s win foreshadowed an America more focused on its own affairs while leaving the world to take care of itself.
The outsider revolution that propelled him to power over the Washington establishment of both political parties also reflected a fundamental shift in international politics evidenced already this year by events like Britain’s referendum vote to leave the European Union. Mr. Trump’s success could fuel the populist, nativist, nationalist, closed-border movements already so evident in Europe and spreading to other parts of the world.
It is hardly surprising that much of the world was rooting for Hillary Clinton over Mr. Trump, who characterized his foreign policy as “America First.”
He promised to build a wall along the Mexican border and temporarily bar Muslim immigrants from entering the United States. He questioned Washington’s longstanding commitment to NATO allies, called for cutting foreign aid, praised President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, vowed to rip up international trade deals, assailed China and suggested Asian allies develop nuclear weapons.
Polls indicated that Mrs. Clinton was favored in many countries, with the exception of Russia. Last summer, the Pew Research Center found that people in all 15 countries it surveyed trusted Mrs. Clinton to do the right thing in foreign affairs more than Mr. Trump by ratios as high as 10 to one.
Mr. Trump’s promise to pull back militarily and economically left many overseas contemplating a road ahead without an American ally.
“The question is whether you will continue to be involved in international affairs as a dependable ally to your friends and allies,” said Kunihiko Miyake, a former Japanese diplomat now teaching at Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto. “If you stop doing that, then all the European, Middle Eastern and Asian allies to the United States will reconsider how they secure themselves.”
In Germany, where American troops have been stationed for more than seven decades, the prospect of a pullback seemed bewildering. “It would be the end of an era,” Henrik Müller, a journalism professor at the Technical University of Dortmund, wrote in Der Spiegel. “The postwar era in which Americans’ atomic weapons and its military presence in Europe shielded first the west and later the central European states would be over. Europe would have to take care of its own security.”
“Trump’s presidency will make the U.S. sink into a full-blown crisis, including an economic one,” said Vladimir Frolov, a Russian columnist and international affairs analyst. “The U.S. will be occupied with its own issues and will not bother Putin with questions.”
“As a consequence,” he added, “Moscow will have a window of opportunity in geopolitical terms. For instance, it can claim control over the former Soviet Union and a part of the Middle East. What is there not to like?”
Israel was another place where Mr. Trump enjoyed some support, mainly because of the perception that he would give the country a freer hand in its handling of the longstanding conflict with the Palestinians. But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other Israeli leaders and commentators worried about a broader disengagement from a Middle East awash in war, terrorism and upheaval.
“Decisions cannot be postponed,” said Yohanan Plesner, a former member of the Israeli Parliament now serving as president of the Israel Democracy Institute. “The situation in Syria is very chaotic. The unrest in the region is continuing. America has to decide whether it wants to play an active role in shaping the developments of the region.”
And even some countries that might expect to see some benefits from an American retreat worried about the implications. Counterintuitive as it might seem, China was concerned about Mr. Trump’s promise to pull American troops back from Asia.
“If he indeed withdraws the troops from Japan, the Japanese may develop their own nuclear weapons,” said Shen Dingli, professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai. “South Korea may also go nuclear if Trump cancels the missile deployment and leaves the country alone facing the North’s threats. How is that good for China?”
For American voters, that was not the point. After decades of worrying about what was good for other countries, they decided it was time to worry about what was good for America. And Mr. Trump promised to do just that, even if the rest of the world might not like it.

 

Donald Trump’s Campaign Stands By Embrace of Putin

Sept. 8, 2016

By Jonathan Martin and Amy Chozick 


Donald J. Trump’s campaign on Thursday reaffirmed its extraordinary embrace of Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin, signaling a preference for the leadership of an authoritarian adversary over that of America’s own president, despite a cascade of criticism from Democrats and expressions of discomfort among Republicans.
In a fashion that would have been unheard-of for a Republican during or immediately after the Cold War, Mr. Trump has made improved relations with the Kremlin a centerpiece of his candidacy.
While railing against Asian, Latin American and Middle Eastern countries, Mr. Trump has continually praised Mr. Putin’s government: He has hailed Mr. Putin’s tight control over Russian society, hinted that he may not defend the NATO-aligned Baltic nations formerly in Moscow’s sphere of influence, and for a time employed a campaign chief with close ties to Ukraine’s pro-Russian forces.
Hillary Clinton excoriated Mr. Trump for asserting that Mr. Putin is a better leader than President Obama, saying it was “not just unpatriotic and insulting to the people of our country, as well as to our commander in chief — it is scary.”
She seized on Mr. Trump’s assertion in the televised forum that Mr. Putin’s incursions into neighboring countries, crackdown on Russia’s independent news media and support for America’s enemies were no more troublesome than Mr. Obama’s transgressions. She said it showed that, if elected, Mr. Trump would be little more than a tool of Mr. Putin.
“It suggests he will let Putin do whatever Putin wants to do and then make excuses for him,” Mrs. Clinton told reporters Thursday morning at Westchester County Airport in New York.

Putin’s Russia is a poor, drunk soccer hooligan

 
By Scott Gilmore    

Russia is not the country you think it is. Its economy is smaller than South Korea’s. Its people are poorer than Kazakhstan’s. It trails Finland in technology. And it has a smaller military budget than Saudi Arabia.
For most of the 20th century, what Moscow thought and did mattered from Havana to Hanoi. Then the collapse of the Soviet Union left behind a battered, broken shell of a country. When the Berlin Wall fell, so did Russia’s status in the world.
A boozy Boris Yeltsin was a fitting representative for a country whose average life expentency tumbled a staggering five years in the wake of the fall. There were the coups, industrial collapse, spreading corruption, and shrinking borders. After generations of fearing the Soviet Bear, the West patted it on the head, sent it some aid, and turned its eyes with expectation towards the emerging powers of Brazil, India, and China.
But Vladimir Putin’s rise to power marked a sea change in Russia’s fortunes. How the world sees Russia began to shift. The often bare-chested leader consciously cultivated a new brand, for himself, and for the country. Putin’s new Russia was a country that mattered again.
Russia hosted the Olympics, punched Georgia in the nose, took back the Crimea, invaded Ukraine, flew bombers through NATO airspace, built military bases in the Arctic, and generally flexed and posed like an oiled, aged, but still buff, body builder. And we’ve been paying increasingly rapt attention, not noticing the geriatric walker hidden just off stage. A closer look is almost shocking.
According to the International Monetary Fund’s most recent data, the Russian economy is approximately the same size as Australia and slightly smaller than South Korea. As an exporter, it is now less important than Belgium, Mexico, and Singapore.
And it is poor. The World Bank ranks Russia’s GDP per capita below Lithuania, Equatorial Guinea, and Kazakhstan. A larger proportion of its population lives below the poverty rate than in Indonesia, India, or Sri Lanka. It is ranked 67th in the world in the Global Competitive Index and 66th in the UN’s Human Development Index.
These economic woes are having serious social impacts. There are now fewer doctors than a decade ago. Life expectancy in Russia is nine years less than in the United States and is declining. Infant mortality rate is two to three times higher than most of the Western world. Its alcoholism rate is now the highest on the planet, three times North America’s; and consumption of alcohol has doubled in the past 20 years. Not surprisingly, the Russian statistical agency Rosstat has identified aging and shrinking demographics as the single biggest challenge facing the country over the next 30 years.
Intellectually, Russia is a distant speck in the rearview mirror. Once, esteemed Soviet universities educated the engineers and doctors of the developing world. Now, the United Nations ranks Russia’s education system behind nearly every other European country, and on par with the Pacific island of Palau. The technological leader that launched Sputnik now produces fewer patents per capita than Iceland. Its scientific publications are cited less often than Finland’s.
In nearly every indicator of health, wealth, and influence, Russia ranks below even the middle powers. What do they have left? Guns and bombs mostly. At 8,000 nuclear warheads, it still has 700 more than the United States. It ranks second globally for combat aircraft, military satellites, and nuclear submarines. Moscow’s military budget has increased every year since Putin’s arrival in 1999.
But even these numbers are misleading. According to data compiled by the Stockholm International Peace Institute, Russia’s defense budget is still less than China, and Saudi Arabia. It is roughly on par with India, France, and the United Kingdom. And it is nine times smaller than the Pentagon’s budget.
The fact is, if it wasn’t for Syria, the Crimea, and some ageing warheads, Russia would get as much global attention as Slovakia or perhaps Wales. Not coincidentally, those are two nations that recently played Russia in the ongoing European soccer championship. In both cases, the results were resounding defeats for the Russians despite their opponents being one-twentieth and one-fortieth its size, respectively. In spite of these resounding defeats, which have relegated them to the bottom of the league tables, the Russian team, and its fans, still dominated the news.
When we talk about the Eurocup, we talk about Russian hooligans rioting in the stands, attacking other spectators, and even assaulting tourists on the trains home. Or we marvel at the belligerent response from Moscow when Igor Lebedev, the Deputy Chairman of the Russian parliament and a senior official in the Russian soccer official tweeted “I don’t see anything wrong with the fans fighting. Quite the opposite, well done lads, keep it up!”
Lebedev understands a lesson that has been well taught by Putin: If you can’t compete on the field, make as much noise as you can off it. Russia is so far behind economically, technologically, socially, and politically, it just doesn’t matter anymore. But it can still get our attention, and it is.
When Russia next moves its tanks to the border, we should take it seriously. It has a lot of tanks (although less than Pakistan). But we should also remember that this is not a world power. By most indicators, it’s not even a middle power. Russia is a soccer hooligan: poor, drunk, and frustrated it can’t win anymore. It can only throw beer bottles from the bleachers.

A new look at how Russians view Russia and the West

Business Insider

 

Matthew Speiser

Pew Research recently did some digging around in Russia to find out how Russians view their own country and their place in the world at large. In April, Pew performed face-to-face interviews with some 1,000 Russian adults of varying gender, age, and location. Here is what they found out:

Russians don't feel great about their economy

According to Pew, 73% of Russians say the economy is in bad shape while 24% say it is in good shape.
Over the past year the price of oil has fallen drastically, prompting Putin to say last October that "the global economy would suffer" if oil prices remained so low.

Many Russians believe Western powers are to blame for the bad economy

Of the 73% who believed the economy was in bad shape, Pew found that one-third point to sanctions imposed by Western nations as the root cause. The EU sanctions imposed last September target Russia's finance, energy, and arms sector.
Another one-third of respondents believe the sanctions are due to falling oil prices, and about one-quarter blame current government policies, Pew found. 

Russians love Putin

The Russian people support Putin on nearly all of his foreign and domestic policies. In particular, at least eight in ten Russians agree with how Putin handles relations with Ukraine, China, America, and the EU. Domestically, upward of 60% of Russians support Putin's initiatives to root out corruption, fix the economy, and his energy policy.
Pew notes that Putin's foreign policy approval ratings are the highest documented since the organization began surveying Russians in 2003. However, his approval ratings for how he has dealt with Ukraine have declined over the last year.

Russians do not like the US

Pew found that 15% of Russians view the US favorably, compared to 81% who view the US unfavorably.

They don't like NATO, the EU, or Germany much either

Only 12% of Russians like NATO and only 31% like the EU. Views towards Germany are at an all-time low at 35% approval. Pew notes that since 2011, opinions of the US, Germany, NATO, and the EU have all fallen drastically.

Russians also want to keep Ukraine out of NATO and the EU

Only 3% of Russians want Ukraine to join NATO, and only 14% want it to join the EU.

Russians have little faith in Barack Obama and Angela Merkel

Only 11% of Russians have faith in Barack Obama to "do the right thing regarding world affairs," according to Pew. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has the faith of 28% of Russians. Pew adds that in 2012, 48% of Russians had confidence in Merkel and 28% had confidence in Obama.


President Barack Obama toasts with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at the Orangerie at Schloss Charlottenburg palace on June 19, 2013 in Berlin, Germany.

Russians miss the Soviet Union

Pew's research showed that 69% of Russians say the breakup of the Soviet Union was a bad thing for Russia, while 17% say it was a good thing. Specifically, 85% of older Russians (50 and up) who grew up in the USSR say the breakup was a bad thing. Only 44% of younger Russians concur, and 27% of them have no opinion.

Russians do not believe Russia is big enough

According to Pew, 61% of Russians agree with the statement “there are parts of neighboring countries that really belong to us." In contrast, 29% disagreed. Pew notes that this feeling has been growing since the fall of the Soviet Union.

 
Russia is nearly twice the size of the US.

Communist gangsters, who murdered more than 100 million people, are on protection of Peace

The three allied communist fascist dictatorships - China, North Korea, and Putin's Russia - are ready to protect world peace together.



This yet not knocked off Chinese commie, a criminal, a thug and a butcher, declared the readiness of the Communist China to protect world peace together with Putin's Russia.

"China is ready to support Russia ... and to protect world peace". This is declared in the address of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Russians published in "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" on Wednesday, May 6.




But the World  k n o w s  what is the Cost of "the peace protection"by Stalin, 
                                        
Molotov, Ribbentrop, Hitler, Mussolini and Pol Pot ...




 


More than 100 million people became the victims of the Communism in the 20th century





             The victims of Communism in Cambodia

  

The World needs the destruction of the last communist dictatorships! 

Communist criminals to the Nuremberg Tribunal!